Media: Are Ethiopians Blindfolded and Gagged into Poverty?

In any country independent media and transparent Information is an artistry of commerce, free expression and a check on corruption and cronyism. But in Ethiopia’s history it has been the means of propaganda and tools of suppression. The TPLF/EPRDF regime is not an exception; however, unlike any other tyrant who prohibits the operation of independent presses, the regime has mastered the art of deception.

For instance, in its quest to hoodwink the international community, and gullible Ethiopians in the make-believe of 'freedom of the press' it came-up with the most elaborate charade ever seen in the history of free press.

To facilitate its deception, the regime oprates mass medias (Two Radio station, one Television and one Internet provider) all under it grips. Instead, it allowed print media to be published with a full control of the printing presses as a sole importer of printing material and as the owner/operator of all the printing presses of newspapers in the country.

The TPLF/EPRDF regime posturing as being the champion of free press is reviled on its own website: (Caution virus infested) Ministry of Information http://www.moinfo.gov.et/ (MOI) - the sole government Minster that decides what media can operate in the county, (license, regulate and enforce the rule). The MOI pride seems only print press circulation section that lists the number of newspapers and their circulation in the country.

Close scrutiny of more than 64 newspapers and 23 magazines listed on it’s website consisting of government, private and religious…etc publications, in three Ethiopian languages (Amharic, Tigrigna, Oromifa) and two foreign language, (English, Arabic) with a total weekly circulation of less than half a million for all newspapers and 200 thousand circulation for the monthly magazines. However, looking at the production closely it becomes evident that, out of 64 newspapers 27 are ‘political and social’ with 350 thousand weekly circulations with the exception of two government owned dailies (Addis Zemen and Ethiopian Herald).

A simple arithmetic reviles the true color of the print media as told by the regime and its enabler’s that 'private media under TPLF/EPRDF is flourishing'. Out of the 350 thousand weekly circulations when we take out government published Addis Zemin (18443) Ethiopian Herald (9,930) and the rueling regime TPLF/EPRDF’s published Abyotawi Democracy (63,230), Woyine (19934) and Oromiya (77709) we end up with 150,758 circulation for the remaining 22 weekly newspapers that are considered “private”, including TPLF’s own ‘private’ newspapers.

What it means is that, on the average, out of the remaining 150 thousands weekly circulation 21 thousand copies are circulating daily consisting of all 22 newspapers (less than 1000 copies) for each newspaper in a country of 80 million populations. Moreover the content is water down by constant harassment and jailing of reporters earning the regime one of the most hostile anti free press government in the world. In comparison, the residence of the City of Addis Ababa uses more napkins in one of the city’s cafe a day than access to news papers.

In contrast, one newspaper in Kenya (the Daily Nation) alone have 200 thousands circulation daily, surpassing all private weekly newspapers in the entire Ethiopia, not to mention Kenya is about one-third of the population of Ethiopia and 100s of private newspapers, 35 radio stations and seven television stations are operational.

In addition, the Ethiopian regime makes sure Ethiopians do not enjoy the modern IT technology by denying them full internet services like many other countries with less than 300 thousands subscribers. Once again Kenya, with one third of the population has three million internet subscribers with more than a dozen private internet providers. Even Somalia, with no central government enjoys better internet service than Ethiopians.

With practically no free press, not a single independent media Association in the country and with a complete black out of vital independent information the regime plays the biggest scam since the invention of the printing press in the early 15th century to dupe the world and unsuspecting Ethiopians in the make-believe free press it claim to allow.

It is common most dictators in Africa would not allow a free press and private mass media to operate; it begs the question why the TPLF/EPRDF regime is creating the make believe free press existence? Who are the regime operatives conspiring to leave the people of Ethiopia in the dark?

We urge concerned Ethiopian's institutions, the international community, and governments to demand the regime to be transparent.

Note: The Minster of Information recently deleted the number of newspapers in circulation in the country along others from its website, which does not have much information to begin with. It is also the only source of information in the country where interested partys find out about the policy of the regime and who is who in the media. We, therefore, demand the regime to be transparent and provide all information on the free press and the media to the public.

Economy: Commodity Exchange on the Back of a Donkey?

The Ethiopian Commodity Exchange that was established by Dr. Eleni G. Medhin and on the endorsement of the Ethiopian ruling party on April of 2008 promised to turn the Ethiopian poor farmers in to a commercial farmers.

Though, it is the single most important institution that would impact the lives of the vast majority of the population it raised very little interest among Ethiopians in Diaspora and the urban elites in Ethiopia whose sense of economic development has been far removed from the daily reality of the majority of Ethiopians for lack of independent information.

The founder and CEO of the exchange Dr. Eleni, an economist from two of the prestigious US learning institutions who was championed, mostly by foreign crowd to crack the code of solving the 'edge old problem' of under-development and poverty made speeches, visited the Chicago Commodity Exchange, run-around in the corridor of donors, political power, and made presentation to foreign audience prior to establishing the exchange.

The celebration still continued after a year and half of operation with a recent PBS documentary-Wide Angele aired without much prior challenge from Ethiopians.

What most Ethiopians did not pay attention was the exchange is no longer an exchange of grain commodities as promised, but a government agency to facilitate export commodities to earn foreign exchange.

In a recent article, "The dangerous hype behind the Ethiopian Commodity Exchange" Dr. Seid Hassan eloquently outlined numbers of structural problems and lack of transparency of the exchange. His article outlined the complete lack of any one of the key structures that would make a free market institution functional.

The founder and CEO undoubtedly possess the knowledge as a product of two prestigious learning institutions in the world (Stanford and Cornell University) and considered an expert on how the free market works. What went wrong, she is not able to create the basic transparency necessary to begin the process of developing the market?

There is no doubt a commodity exchange is the sole market institution that would transform an Agriculture based economy into a manufacturing economy provided, it is out of the hands of the government, unscrupulous, and politically motivated players. Currently the ECX not only turned out to be a government institution contrary to the claim of Independence, but it appears to be set-up by unofficial decree of the ruling regime to force its political and economic will on the people of Ethiopia.

In an economy where the ruling party's affiliated enterprises dominate the private sector never seen by any African standard, and when the means and ways of agriculture production including land and market infrastructures are under a strict control of the regime, to call it an exchange is troubling.

Furthermore, there is no a single mass-media under the private sector that could expose corruption or reflect transparency. In addition, the largest grain commodity buyer and seller in the country is a government agency (EGTE) and a member of the Exchange.

How an exchange owned, operated, and regulated by the government on top of market information disseminated by the only government owned mass media is considered to be a free market institution by any standard is the million dollar question that needs an immediate answer.

The donors who financed to establish such an exchange cannot claim ignorance of how a free market institution should operate. It begs the question and calls for extensive inquiry, why they chose double standard of transparency- one for a poor country like Ethiopia and another to the rest of the world.

It is quite troubling to see a country of 80 plus million populations in the verge of a major famine and rampant poverty is left to a regime and its enabler intellectuals without transparency and accountability to anyone under the funding agencies' watch.

Therefore, we urge Ethiopian intellectuals, independent Media, civic institutions, political parties, and the donors’ community to demand transparency and accountability. We believe the exchange should be taken-over by independent committee consisting of private market players and independent third party. In addition, banning the ruling party's affiliated enterprises and disclosure of the financial interest of the officers of the exchange is necessary to build confidence and protect the public from unscrupulous and politically motivated traders.

Note: It is estimated there are five millions donkeys in Ethiopia transporting the vast majority of grain commodity in the country. That would be the largest donkey population in the world, next to China of 11 million.When agriculture commodities transportation are heavily relied on animal packs, and when the vast majority of assembly markets created are consistent with how far a donkey travels in a given day, it is important to note the complexity of market formation and the bottleneck created to reach the consumer.

In addition, the lack of independent market institutions, credit, contract enforcement, market information, and storage to farmers and traders must be addressed before an exchange can be considered independent and functional.

An exchange can only be successful when it is transparent and addresses the problem from the bottom up than the top down, as ECX is attempting.

Related Articles

“Let’s be like the free market”: Ethnicity and the market for myopia By Professor Minga Negash

Free market without freedom By Abebe Gellaw

Ethiopia: Response to Eleni Gebre-Medhin of Commodity Exchange by Hankamo Gota

Family: Adaption or Child Trafficking?

The EPRDF lead Government seems promoting the adaption of children in western countries by allowing 22 US adapting agencies to operate in Ethiopia along many local adaption agencies. The Ethiopian Embassy in Washington prides itself listing two dozen US adapting agencies on its website. Likewise, European countries, Canada and Australia are most of Ethiopian children are being adapted.

The surge of adaption and the number of agencies rushing in Ethiopia in the last few years seems there are more to the stories than helping children who needed loving families to adapt them. It is heart breaking when an Embassy of a country that does not have any other listing of important agencies like investment, education, democracy, health, etc. prides itself to promote 22 adaption agencies out of the US alone.

In an alarming report "adaption in Ethiopia" the Schuster Institute for Investigative journalism reviled a stunning story of lack of transparency and corruption in adapting children from Ethiopia.

When human trafficking of young women for domestic help and prostitution to the Middle East by dozen of 'legal' and illegal agencies in the country was not enough according to Human Trafficking Report of 2009, it seems children trafficking is the new addition in the ever ending crime against Ethiopians by unscrupulous individuals with permission and knowledge of the regime in power.

Who are theses individuals and agencies who operate out of the United States? What motivated them to register adaption agencies faster than they can set-up a legitimate business? and which government Ministry or agencies are responsible to allow them to operate?

Our source in the country tell us the foreign exchange earning is what motivated the government to allow all theses agencies to rush in to adaption business ranging from 25-35 thousands US dollars to adapt a child. Why it cost so much to help a child find a loving family, and why foreign parents are sought-after than Ethiopian parents reviles the shadiness of the operation that requires serious public scrutiny.

Ethiopian religious institutions, the independent media and civic organization must get involved to investigate and make the government and the agencies' officials responsible and accountable. There has to be transparency on who is who in the adaption agencies and the criteria to issue them a license to operate in Ethiopia.

Articles

Ethiopian children exploited by US adoption agencies Source: ECADF From AM News Australia

Forighn Aid: Where Does All the Money Goes?

Does Ethiopia have a ‘government’ or is she under the care of the international community?

This is a very appropriate question to ask when one observes the number of countries and international organizations involved to do the basic service of what the government suppose to do from providing clean water to the citizens to infrastructure building the country needs for the survival of the population.

But, looking at the number of countries and institutions involved in many development projects one wonders if there is a government running the country or it is left for the international community?

In our transparent governance watch work and ‘Why fight Corruption?' series, we are compelled to ask what is the ‘government of TPLF/EPRDF of Ethiopia doing while most of its job is funded and done by the donors and non governmental organization? And where does all the funding goes and who is accountable for all the expenditure and the accountability required to prevent corruption?

The questions of foreign Aid and the corruption that follows has been the debate in almost all international development forums by the same people over and over again. Recently, Dr Moyo Dambisa book “Dead Aid” raised a hot debit when she argued the Aid model is broke, it is corrupting the officials and should be abandoned causing havoc in the foreign Aid community and the recipients defending it with out much to show for all the expenditures all these years.

What is striking is with billions of dollar expenditure no one is not sure where most of the money goes, how it was spent and why there is no public disclosure of the recipients and their credential and background of the managers.

Ethiopia, the darling of the international Aid receives the second highest foreign assistance in Africa, next to Egypt, but yet beside the occasional double digit talk the regime speaks, and the housing boom driven by the Diaspora spending and the road construction courtesy of donors the average Ethiopian standard of living remain the same or declined. And the number of people needing foreign food assistance continues to increase substantially with no tangible solution in sight.

According to WB Development Gateway foundation

26 donor countries 13 multilateral organization, and 40 funding agencies mostly western are actively engaging in one thing or another donating and funding millions of dollars worth of 1000s of projects every year. In addition, 100s of private foundations and over 3800 NGOs operating in the country are active on one thing or another.

Looking at the data we can not help but wonder, with only a handful of NGOs 20 years ago to over 3800 now, the growth the regime claim may have been too low in the poverty industry than the private sector.

It is common knowledge unscrupulous business and NGOs are created, particularly by the ruling party's affiliates to facilitate this massive infusion of fund and becoming a major ground for corruption and cronyism as it is common in the private sector. Its is also not unusual to hear the best jobs are found in the Aid sector and the industry is striving alike any other sector.

We believe expecting transparency from the regime and it’s affiliates is fruitless since the rule makers and breakers are the same, but challenging all the donor governments and funding agencies to demand transparency as a condition for funding can be an effective tool.

We also believe the ruling party affiliated businesses and NGOs who accumulated millions of dollars out of foreign Aid and through unethical business practices must be challenged through all means, including through donor governments and funding agencies.

Corruption must be fought in all fronts and each one of us can help

Investment: What We Do Not Know Hurts?

Freeing independent media is a life and death issue that can not be left to the regime.

Secrecy is a fertile ground for Corruption and under development, and Ethiopians are blind-folded and gagged in to poverty by the regime in power.

The ruling regime use public institutions with hand picked individuals to run them in order to control the flow of vital information and suppress independent media to sustain power as long as it can.

Without understanding these institutions and the individuals who manage them Ethiopians can not challenge corruption and fight for their freedom effectively. The first step is to identify the institutions, and the individuals who run key political, economical and social institutions and make the managers personally responsible and accountable.

This article addresses-the Ethiopian Investement Agency, one of the many public institutions that is used and abused for corruption and suppression of information from Ethiopians from participating in the development of their country.

EIA (sometimes referred as a commission) lead by Dr. Abi Woldemeskel, with an official title of Director General and the sole institution responsible to promote foreign investment in the country does not have an official website. That would make it the only public investment agency in the world that does not have an investment portal of its own.

Instead, the agency's website is run by a peculiar outfit registered in the USA, www.ethiomarket.com/ with a few pages designated for the Agency with irrelevant information www.ethiomarket.com/eic/.

The website does not have contact number, address or identifiable person [s] in the USA. So far we reached a dead-end to know who is running the one and only public investment agency's website of the country out of unknown location in the USA and who authorized it?

The 'Director General' must have known these individual[s] to surrender the nation’s only source of investment portal to allow them to channel all investment inquires from around the world. This kind of out-right corruption in a functioning government would send numbers of people to jail, charged with all kind of crimes against the public interest, but in today’s Ethiopia it is business as the usual.

This particular breach of duty, crime of corruption and cronyism must have been approved in the higher-ups, like many others who set-up front outfits to embezzle and take advantage of public institutions to the benefit of their partners and affiliates.

The website features EFFORT companies, further conforming our suspicion that it is a TPLF front that is channeling foreign investment inquires to its affiliates. Further investigation reviles, the same link is also found in most of the Ethiopian Embassies' websites around the world, once again proving it is beyond a simple error of judgment or the work of a small rogue group, but an elaborate scum run by TPLF's operatives.

Who is responsible and accountable for this elaborate crime of using public institution for personal or group gain on the expenses of millions of Ethiopians? Who has the responsibility to oversee the agency and investigate corruption? What can be done to fight these kinds of out-right corruption and monopoly of investment information?

For a starter, the responsibility rests squarely on the Director’s foot steps. Another institution who failed its responsibility is The Federal Ethics and Anti Corruption Commission, the sole government agency responsible to fight corruption in the country. It seems the commission is practically toothless when it comes fighting ‘the mother of all corruption’-the ruling regime and its affiliates business and agencies.

The Commissioner- Ali Sulaiman and the Deputy Commissioner Addsu Mengistu, the Director of research-Woldetensay Woldemelak, and the Ethics Education and Public Relations head-Berhanu Assefa are all responsible for allowing the out-right hijacking of a public agency for individuals benefit by being complicit in their job.

Another 'independent' Non Governmental Organization-Transparency Ethiopia, an affiliate chapter of the famous corruption fighter Transparency International will be discussed in more detail in the future article, but for now, we want to address one thing related to this expose.

TE, as ‘independent’ corruption fighter seems to be part of the make-believe world of 'fighting corruption', particularly when no mention of investigation of corruption on its official website is reviled in regard to the open secret of the ruling party's business and government officials mixing business with governance by amassing millions of dollars of public funds with out any accountability or oversight by anyone.

Transparency Ethiopia 'officials' whose main responsibility of fighting corruption should have been beyond chasing street vendors and putting up shows, but to go after the big money rollers in public agencies and their managers, including TPLF's business empires and their affiliates who are running the country while they are heavily involved in trade and businesses dealing around the world. EFFORT-the TPLF's business empire alone is sufficient cause to put all their resources to expose and make all the officers and owners accountable for corruption. What went wrong?

Since ET is a chapter of TI we demand they do a better job than the government Corruption Commission. But, one peculiar fact about TE caught our eyes on its website, that is, the Board of Director is the known TPLF journalist and owner of The Reporter newspaper- Amare Arigawi. How the rest of the organization's officers who are unknown to us yet did not raise conflict of interest issue to allow him to be on the board of director needs more investigation, but it further makes TE weak and a suspect.

Other institutions who supposedly’ have an oversight responsibility on paper in the Parliament are: THE LEGAL STANDING COMMITTEE Chairman-Asmelash W/Selasieand and Deputy Chairman, W/ro Fantaye Gezahegne, and also, TRADE AND INDUSTRY AFFAIR STANDING COMMITTEE Chairman- Kebede Abera and the Deputy Chairman-Ayele Siyoum are all responsible for failure to protect the public from an-out-right corruption in their ‘duty’ to protect the people of Ethiopia.

All public officials through out the country should disclose their assets and business interest to the public in order to institute transparancy and fight corruption. Independent organization and the media should have accesses to follow-up and monitor compliance. Any thing less is serving a corrupt system for personal benefit and illegal gain with much bigger implication in the future for those who knowingly and willingly participate in a corrupt system for riches and glory.

Let all of us fight the corrupt acts of public officials by making responsible individuals accountable.

Note: It is important to note that when the nation's investment agency is reduced to a half a dozen pages of unknown website in the US under Director Dr. Abi Weldemeskle who could not come-up with a website for the agency in his capacity, it is clear to see where his priorities are. Further, the capital city of the nation-Addis Ababa under Mayor Kuma Demeksa, and many others cities and regional capitals have no websites to promote investment except-the City of Mekele investment portal. Registrant: Djibruk / Endaslassie Mekelle, Tigray 1437 ET ; Administrative Contact: Alemayehu Kassahun alemayehuk@yahoo.com Nefas Silk Lafto SC, Kera street Addis Ababa, AA 43129 ET +251.911641116 (FAX) Current Registrar: NETTUNER CORP. DBA WEBMASTERS.COM -NEW YORK-NEW YORK Source

IV. Human Development

Human Development See THE IBRAHIM INDEX / METHODOLOGY / INDEX INDICATORS /

1. Poverty And Health

People Living with HIV

Indicator name: People Living with HIV Indicator name at source (if different): Prevalence of HIV, total (% of population ages 15-49)Data provider: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development,The World Bank (WB)Data source: UNAIDS and WHO via The World Development Indicators online (WDI)Publication years used in the IIAG: 2000-2007

Incidence of TB

Indicator name: Incidence of Tuberculosis Indicator name at source (if different):Incidence of Tuberculosis (per 100,000 people)Data provider: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The World Bank (WB)Data source: WHO via The World Development Indicators online (WDI)Publication years used in the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG): 2000-2007

Child Mortality

Indicator name: Child MortalityIndicator name at source: Under five mortality rate (per 1,000 live births)Data provider: Inter-Agency Group for Child Mortality Estimation (IGME). The members of this Inter-Agency Group are: UNICEF, WHO, The World Bank, and The UN Population Division.Data source: childmortality.org, Child Mortality Estimates InfoPublication years used in the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG): 2006 and 2008

Immunisation (Measles and DPT)

Clustered indicator name: Immunisation (Measles and DTP) Variable names:Immunisation, Measles (% of children aged 12-23 months); Immunisation, DTP (% of children aged 12-23 monthsData provider: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The World Bank (WB)Data source: WHO and UNICEF via The World Development Indicators online (WDI)Publication years used in the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG): 2000-2007

Welfare Regime

Indicator name: Welfare RegimeData provider: Bertelsmann Foundation Data source:Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI)Publication years used in the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG): 2006 and 2008

Policies for Social Protection and Labour

Indicator name: Policies for Social Protection and LabourIndicator name at source (if different): Social Protection and LabourData Provider: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development,The World Bank (WB); African Development Bank (AfDB)Data Source: IDA Resource Allocation Index, IRAI (WB); Country Performance Assessment, CPA (AfDB)Publication years used in the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG): IRAI (WB) 2005-2008; CPA (AfDB): 2005, 2007 and 2008

Degree of Social Exclusion

Indicator name: Degree of Social ExclusionIndicator name at source (if different): Socio-Economic BarriersData provider: Bertelsmann FoundationData source: Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI)Publication years used in the Ibrahim Index of African Development (IIAG): 2006 and 2008

2. Education

Provision and Quality

Indicator name: Education Provision and QualityIndicator name at source (if different): Education/ R&DData provider: Bertelsmann FoundationData source: Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI)Publication years used in the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG): 2006-2008

Ratio of Pupils to Teachers in Primary School

Indicator name: Ratio of Pupils to Teachers in Primary SchoolIndicator name at source (if different): Pupil-teacher Ratio, PrimaryData provider: International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The World Bank (WB)Data source: UNESCO via The World Development Indicators online (WDI)Publication years used in the Ibrahim Index of African Government (IIAG): 2000-2008

Primary School Completion Rate

Indicator name: Primary School Completion Rate Indicator name at source (if different): Data provider: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The World Bank (WB) Data source:UNESCO via The World Development Indicators online (WDI)Publication years used in the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG): 2000-2008

Progression to Secondary School

Indicator name: Progression to Secondary SchoolIndicator name at source (if different): Progression to Secondary School (%)Data provider: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, World Bank (WB)Data source: UNESCO via The World Development Indicators online (WDI)Publication years used in the IIAG of African Governance (IIAG): 2000-2008Tertiary Enrollment Rates

Tertiary Enrollment Rates

Indicator name: Tertiary Enrolment RatesIndicator name at source (if different): School Enrolment, Tertiary (% gross)Data provider: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The World Bank (WB)Data source: UNESCO via The World Development Indicators online (WDI)Publication years used in the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG): 2000-2008

Who is Responsible

A. Poverty

Council of Minsters responsible to poverty redaction and economic development

Parilament Standing Committee

Ministry of Economic Development

B. Health and Sanitation

Cabinate Minsters

Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus (photo) Ministry of Health http://www.moh.gov.et/

Inall the 9 regions, and Addis Ababa and Dere Dawa there are no profile and credntial of health officers of the Ministry and the regioninal health officials responsible for the health of the nation and their credential; none have official website except Tigriy Health Bureau http://www.trhb.gov.et/ . For example, the website for health policy is not accessable.

Note: It is important to note the Ministry have two dozen foreign doners according to the website , with all the funding and the support from outside world the record speaks volume how poorly the agency is run in regard to the health of the population.

States Misnters

C. Educational Opportunity

Cabinate Minsters

Dr Sintayehu Woldemiceal; (Photo) Ministry of Education official website www.moe.gov.et/ the link is broken, as many links are in the country.

Mufriat Kamile (photo) Min. of Women Affair

State Minster

DEMEKE Mekonnen (Photo) State Minister Education,

Wondwossen Kiflu (Photo) State Min. of Education

Others

III. Sustainable Economic Opportunity

Sustainable Economic Opportunity

Wealth Creation

1. GDP per capita based on purchasing power parity (PPP), using new estimates from the International Comparison Program, as compiled by the World Bank's World Development Indicators (WDI) 2008.1
2. Economic growth, measured in terms of annual percentage changes in GDP per capita, using 2008 WDI figures.2
Macoeconomic Stability and Financial Integrity
1. Annual inflation rates, using data from the International Monetary Fund's World Economic Outlook (April 2008).
2. Government budget deficits and surpluses as a percentage of GDP, as a percentage of GDP, using data derived from the African Development Bank's Selected Statistics on African Countries 2008.
3. Reliability of financial institutions, based on "Contract Intensive Money (CIM)," an indicator developed by Clague, Keefer, Knack, and Olsen to measure the extent to which money is held in bank deposits, etc. (suggesting higher reliability), rather than currency (suggesting lower reliability).3 Figures for each country are estimated by us, using data from the IMF's International Financial Statistics.4 (See the detailed definition and explanation in the note on this indicator.)
4. The overall business environment, using as an indicator the number of days necessary to start a business. Figures are drawn from the World Bank's Doing Business surveys.

The Arteries of Commerce

1. The density of a nation's paved road network per 1,000 people from the International Road Federation, IRF World Road Statistics 2007 (Data 2000 to 2005) (Geneva, 2007) and IRF World Road Statistics 2005 (Data 1999 to 2003) (Geneva, 2005), along with our own Index of African Governance research in each country.
2. Electricity capacity, measured in terms of total installed capacity per capita (in kilowatts). Data are drawn from the U.S. Energy Information Administration's International Energy Annual 2005, which was released June-October 2007 (the latest available).
3. Telephone subscribers (fixed/land lines and mobile) per 100 inhabitants, based on estimates from the International Telecommunication Union.
4. Computer users per 100 inhabitants, based on estimates from the International Telecommunication Union.
5. Internet users per 100 inhabitants, based on estimates from the International Telecommunication Union.

Environmental Sensitivity

1. As estimated by the 2008 Environmental Performance Index, developed by Daniel C. Esty, M.A. Levy, C.H. Kim, A. de Sherbinin, T. Srebotnjak, and V. Mara, and published by the Yale Center for Environmental Law and Policy.5 The EPI is a composite index that assesses performance on two broad goals: (1) reduction of environmental stresses on human health; and (2) promotion of ecosystem vitality and natural resource management. It is based on twenty-five indicators in six policy areas: Environmental Health, Air Quality, Water Resources, Biodiversity and Habitat, Productive Natural Resources, and Climate Change.

Who Is Responsible?

Prime Minster Office no offical website is found

Newaye-Kiristos Gebre-Ab, (photo) Economic Advisor to the Prime Minister with the rank of Minister control, monitor, supervise and run all Ministeries associated with economic matters, in particular the Ministries of Finance, Revenue, Trade and Industry, Transportation, Mines and Energy etc. etc. Sufian Ahmed, Minister Finance and Economic Development,; Melaku Fenta, Minister of Revenue, Girma Biru, Minister of Trade and Industry; Junedi Sado, Minister of Transport and Communications, Alemayehu Tegenu, Minister Mines and Energy; report to Newaye-Kristos Gebre-Ab.

Parliament offical website www.ethiopar.net/

Trade and Industry Affairs Standing Committee no official website and credential of the officers found

Kebede Abera; (photo) Chairman
Ayele Siyoum; (Photo) Deputy Chairman

Capacity Building Affairs Standing Committee, no official website and credential of officers found

Takel Tessema; (Photo) Chairman
Adulwase Abdulahi; (photo) Deputy Chairman

Rural Development Affairs Standing Committee, no offal website or profile and credential of officers found

Ababi Demisie, (Photo) Chairman
Godi Baykeda, (Photo) Deputy Chairman

Infrastructure Affairs Standing Committee, no official website or profile and credential of officers found

Wubneh Fmiru; (Photo) Chairman
Ali Mohamed; (Photo) Deputy Chairman

Ministers

Tefera Deribew; (Photo) Min. of Agriculture & Rural Development, no official website or credential of officers found. e.mail is listed as moav@telecom.net.et from WB African development info

Gerachew Teklemedhin; (photo) Vice Min. of Agriculture & Rural Development

Tekalign Mamo; (photo) Vice Min. of Agriculture & Rural Development

Sufian Ahmed; (photo) Min. of Finance & Economic Development www.mofaed.org/Default.asp
note: no profile or credential of the Minister was found, link is slow and dysfunctional. no other department official profile are available. noting resembling economic development information is posted on the main page.

Girma Birrue; (Photo) Min. of Trade & Industry, No official website was found
and he is also the Board of Director of Ethiopia electric power corporation www.eepco.gov.et/

Tefera Walwa; (Photo) Min. of Capacity Building no official website is found but this website talks about some of the mistry activity www.ucbp-ethiopia.com/ it appears the website is run by donors.

Junedin Sado; (Photo) Min. of Science & Technology no official website or credential of the Minster was found, the website is the same as Ethiopian telecommunication corporation www.estc.gov.et/,

Note: it the only Science & technology Minstery with no offcial website of its own.

Deriba Kuma; (Photo) Min. of Transport & Communications www.motac.gov.et/Links.htm no profile of the Minster and his credential was found.

Amare Amsalu; (Photo) Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation, under the Min of transport & communication www.ethionet.et/index.php , no profile and credential of officers was found on the official website.

Asfaw Dingamo; (Photo) Min. of Water Resources www.mowr.gov.et/ no Profile or crdential of the Minster is posted on the offical website.

Kassu Illala; (Photo) Min. of Works & Urban Development, no official website was found, he is also the board of director of the Ethiopian Electric and Power corp. www.eepco.gov.et/profile.html

Some info was found on UNDP project with the Minstry

Ethiopian enivronment protection agency www.epa.gov.et/

Other Agencies

Abi Woldemeskel, (photo) Director-general-Ethiopian Investment Agency www.ethiomarket.com/eic/ no official website, no profile of the manager[s] or their credentials was found.

note: www.ethiomarket.com/ is a privately register website in the USA that runs the investment agency. No contact number or identifiable person[s] was found. The unknown individual [s] who run the agaency website and how they are given the responsibility of running this very important public agency website where all foreign investors rely on, and their relationship with the Director need further investigation and accountability. It appears a group of rogue individuals are channeling foreign investment inquires with a permision of the officials.

Debretsion G/Michaele (photo) Ethiopian Information and communication Technology Development Agency www.eictda.gov.et/

No name of manager[s] was found The ethiopian Electricity Agency www.ethioelectricagency.org/index.html an agency under the Minstriy of infurastructure.

Dr Eleni Gebre Medhin; (photo) CEO Ethiopian Commodity Exchange www.ecx.com.et/

Note:ECX claimes "a public-private partnership enterprise owned by the goverment of Ethiopia" the Prime Minster oversee the exchange along his minsters. No other sources to verfiy the detail are found at this time.