What does it take to create democratic political institutions in Ethiopia?

“A fundamental aspect of institutional design is how much society chooses to delegate unchecked power to its leaders. If, once elected, a leader cannot be restrained, society runs the risk of a tyranny of the majority, if not the tyranny of a dictator. …Classical political theorists were well aware of the importance of the trade-off between delegation of power to leaders and the need to control them to avoid tyranny.” Philippe Aghion, et.al (Endogenous Political Institutions, nyn.edu, Quarterly Journal of Economic, 2004).


The primary purpose of this article is twofold:


1) To raise various questions for all contending Ethiopian political groups, intellectuals, and scholars to ponder and challenge them to take the concerns of the Ethiopian people seriously in building institutions that outlive the governing body; and


2) To warn the same group that having an election process without a thoughtful, forward-looking political infrastructure in place will result in an ideal Ethiopia remaining simply a dream.


Since 1974, the Ethiopian people have experienced drastic changes due to the nature of governance, which in general exposed them to interethnic conflict, dictatorship, and the often life-threatening hazards of forced immigrant labor. The current government, opposition political groups, and even bystander individuals often cite the past as a cause for their political headaches, but no measurable solutions for building enduring institutions are clearly articulated. There are some who argue that “market economy” is the answer. For instance, Fekadu Bekele asserts:


More or less the situation seems like this, and the Ethiopian people are frustrated by the vulgar nature of the system. They are longing for a system which transforms their lives and make them self-reliant. It is our duty to show the road to true civilization. In this case we have to challenge the neo-liberal economic paradigm which is presented as the only panacea of solving economic and social problems. Over the last 30 years many African countries have been practicing the so-called structural adjustment program of the IMF and the World Bank. None of them could build a dynamic and free economic structure. All countries that have applied this program could not transform the lives of their people. I think this must be a lesson to us. The history of nation building proves that poverty, hunger and underdevelopment cannot be eradicated by market economic instruments, but only through conscious state economic policy. We can eradicate poverty and hunger if we accept this fact and open our mind to new ideas. The experiences of Western Europe after the Second World War, the great efforts of Japan and South Korea are good examples which help us to draw lessons. All these countries could build strong economies not by applying a pure market economic policy but through the combined activities of state intervention and private initiative. (Fekadu Bekele, April 14, 2010, tecolahagos.com)


There are others who do not dismiss the past as a factor for the objective political conditions but assert that using history as a justification for bad behavior is not correct. For example, Sisay Asefa argues, “The magnitude of the economic and political problems of post-1974 Ethiopia cannot be equated with the pre-1974 period of Emperor Haile Selassie. Pre-1974 Ethiopia, in spite of a system of absolute monarchy and a lack of democratic governance, scored some major achievements both domestically and internationally that the current and future generation of Ethiopians should be proud of and take appropriate lessons”(Sisay Asefa. "Developing Democratic Institutions in Ethiopia: The Challenge of Building Enabling Institutions for Economic Growth and Development, [p. 71-72] muse.jhu.edu/journals/northeast_african_studies/.../10.1.asefa01.html).


There are others who have a similar outlook. “In order to build the Ethiopia of our future, we need to be cognizant of our past and current history in order to learn to avoid similar mistakes of our predecessors. We need to use history in a creative manner to solve future problems. We should not be held hostages by our history or put in a straitjacket of history. “Tecola Hagos - (repost, April 14, 2010), http://www.tecolahagos.com/


Before raising those challenging questions, defining some terms is needed:


1. “A political system is one that ensures the maintaining of order and sanity in the society and at the same time makes it possible for some other institutions to also have their grievances and complaints put across in the course of social existence.”


2. Institutions are structures and mechanisms of social order and cooperation governing the behavior of a set of individuals within a given human collectivity. Institutions are identified with a social purpose and permanence, transcending individual human lives and intentions, and with the making and enforcing of rules governing cooperative human behavior. The term "institution" is commonly applied to customs and behavior patterns important to a society, as well as to particular formal organizations of government and public service. As structures and mechanisms of social order among humans, institutions are one of the principal objects of study in the social sciences, including sociology, political science, and economics. Institutions are a central concern for law, the formal mechanism for political rule-making and enforcement” (Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Political_system).


3. Democracy is a “government by the people; a form of government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised directly by them or by their elected.”(dictionary.reference.com/browse/democracy)


Given the above definitions as a contextual framework, the following are challenging questions that require dialogue in order to arrive at plausible answers beyond political reactions:


· Who ought to define and articulate Ethiopian’s shared national vision?


· What do human rights mean beyond ethnicity and economical status in the context of the objective conditions in Ethiopia?


· Should development and poverty “eradication” come at the expense of human rights?


· How does corruption violate individuals human rights, and is it possible to solve corruption without an independent judiciary system?


· What does it take to create democratic political institutions in Ethiopia given the current regime that does not even uphold its own judicial decision (e.g. the case of Birtukan Mideksa’s visitation rights).


Although the above questions are admittedly loaded, they are crucial to the Ethiopian people in order to resolve their crisis and determine their own destiny. It is understood among Ethiopians that, since the 2005 election in Ethiopia, a lot of articles and opinions by Ethiopians and friend of Ethiopians have flooded the various media. However, all seem to be reactions to the current undemocratic political system. In general, those reactions characterize the current system as follows:


1. Prevalent of corruption and cronyism


2. Controlling the means and ways of production


3. Ethnic monopoly of public institutions and infrastructures, including the media


4. Mistrust of the ruling party by the majority citizens, apparent tension, and conflicts among various groups


5. Politically motivated court system
Thus, it is critical that the Ethiopians at home and in the Diaspora must decide what they want for a nation beyond tribalism or “ethnic ghetto” (“Ethiopia’s Notorious Campus Wars: Causes, Goals, and Impacts,” Jawar Siraj Mohammed, May 15, 2010). Furthermore, political dialogue and creating a transparent and democratic political system should not be left to men alone. The following are necessary to such ends:


1. A court system that is independent – as a third branch of government must be to avoid being instrumental for political harassment, intimidation, and persecution.


2. A free press with the highest professional standards, whose role is to inform (e.g., the case of Awramba Times, Addis Nege, etc, – May 17, 2010, Ethiomedia.com), educate the citizens, and challenge the governing body when it threatens the human rights of its citizens.


3. Public education must address the importance of telling the truth, self respect, the rights and responsibilities of citizenship, and challenging each other with a pen rather than with the barrel of the gun.


4. Dialogue between all political groups to present alternative approaches to deal with differences, either using the South African truth and reconciliation model or other conflict resolution methods.


5. Women’s issues must be addressed simultaneously and not postponed until a given political group comes to power. Women also must take the initiative to articulate their issues and raise their children to think differently in areas of anger management, conflict resolution, self respect, treating women, and how to coexist with those whom they dislike or disagree.


Those who want to take a leadership role in Ethiopian politics must understand that they cannot govern a society without providing emotional, financial and physical safety to all citizens. Furthermore, those who aspire to be leaders must demonstrate by their deeds and words the democratic principles. Additionally they must be cognizant that people without enough food to eat do not have the energy to dialogue or even dream about democracy. When all is argued, debated, and done a transparent and democratic political system must be instituted. In order to monitor such system, it is critical to have independent advocacy institutions in every sector and a think tank agency that will monitor and alert both the Ethiopian citizens and international stake holders.


To conclude, my wish for the Ethiopian citizen is that, for them to have equal opportunity to be educated, be free from poverty, governed by their elected representatives without duress, and be adjudicated by independent and impartial court.


The author can be reached at ltsegaw@gmail.com


References:


1. Toolbox: 17. Political Institution-Building


Political institution development is assistance to build effective, responsive, formal democratic political


www.caii.com/CAIIStaff/Dashboard.../toolbox17.htm


2. Form of government - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


Most would say that the United States is a democratic republic while the ... to accept it because


en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Form_of_government


3. Do Ethiopia's politicians mean it on democracy?
Analysis ...


blogs.reuters.com/.../do-ethiopia’s-politicians-mean-it-on-democracy


4. Political Rights In Ethiopia


humanrightsethiopia.com/images/Roundtable.pdf


5. ICL - Ethiopia - Constitution


www.servat.unibe.ch/icl/et00000_.html
6. Veto players: How political institutions work


7. psu.edu [PDF]G Tsebelis - 2002 - books.google.com


8. Comments on the Ethiopian Crisis by Christopher Clapham


http://www.african.cam.ac.uk/people/registry/subjectlist/clapham.html


9. Sisay Asefa. "Developing Democratic Institutions in Ethiopia: The Challenge of Building Enabling Institutions for Economic Growth and Development. ...


muse.jhu.edu/journals/northeast_african_studies/.../10.1.asefa01.html


10. Democracy Definition


Definition of Democracy at Dictionary.com


dictionary.reference.com/browse/democracy

II. Transparency and Corruption

Rule of Law, Transparency and Corruption

Ratification of Critical Legal Norms

1.
Ratification of core international human rights conventions. There are seven core human rights conventions currently in force. This indicator assesses whether a country's legal norms with respect to this core area are clearly consistent with international law. Using information from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), it assigns a value 0 to 7 for each country in each year based on the number of core conventions ratified. Other aspects of respect for human rights in practice are addressed through the next indicator in this sub-category, as well as through various indicators under the category of "Participation and Human Rights."
2.
The presence of international sanctions for human rights violations, At the most basic level, it is important to know whether a country is in gross violation of international legal norms. This indicator is based on information denoting the imposition of sanctions for each year from the records of the UN Security Council.
3.
Laws on contracts and property rights are other important areas for which clear legal norms are key. No acceptable measure yet exists for these important aspects of legal norms. The Index this year uses as a proxy the "Property Rights Index" developed as one of the ten sub-components of the Index of Economic Freedom, produced by the Heritage Foundation and Wall Street Journal. The Property Rights Index rates the degree to which a country's laws protect and enforce private property rights

Existence of Independent and Efficient Judicial Systems

1.
Judicial Independence is a key aspect of a functioning judiciary and of the rule of law. Several projects are currently underway to code judicial Independence, but none is appropriate for use by the Index at this time.3 The Index this year relies instead on the "rule of law" sub-score from the civil liberties index of Freedom House's Freedom in the World. This is a composite measure that assesses the Independence of the judiciary, civilian control of police, protection from political terror, and equal treatment across various groups. It is based on detailed expert surveys, with low values suggesting poor rule of law and high values, better rule of law.
2.
Efficiency of the courts, based on numbers of pre-trial detainees as a percentage of all detainees. Numbers are from statistics compiled by the International Centre for Prison Studies and from official national sources, gathered by our own country researchers.
3.
Efficiency of national institutions regarding contract enforcement, based on the number of days it takes to settle a contract dispute. Estimates are drawn from the World Bank's Doing Business study.

Corruption

1.
Public sector corruption from the annual "Corruption Perceptions Index" (CPI) of Transparency International and other information on the CPI published by the Internet Center for Corruption Research. The CPI is a composite index based on multiple polls from numerous institutions. In order to give scores for all countries, we also include some additional estimates based on information from the Internet Center. Possible scores range from 0 (high levels of perceived corruption) to 10 (low levels of perceived corruption). The CPI is the current gold standard for measuring nation-state corruption. Although comparisons of the CPI over time are problematic (as discussed further in the descriptive note to this indicator), it is the best measure available at this time.
Who is Responsible
Note: the profile and credential of the regime's officials is hard to find on the official website of the agencies they operate. We believe it is deliberate to conceal from the public from knowing their competence and background to hold important public office. We will do our best to find them, and your cooperation to lead us where we can find them is appreciated. Assefa Kessito (photo) Minster of Justice http://www.mojet.gov.et/index.htm link is broken no accessess
Since 2005

State Minister of Justice


A. Ratification of Critical legal Norm
Council of Minsters
House of Parliament standing Committees
Council of Minsters
State Minsters
Others
B. Independent and Efficient legal system
Parliament standing Committee
Council of Minsters
Hashim Tewfiq see photo Since 2006Semegn Wube Since 2005
Some Background about the three judges of the Federal court presided on kinjit trial is posted on "The other side" a blog http://lewit.blogspot.com/2006/12/in-name-ofjustice.html
Federal Judges
Judge Leul,

Head of Criminal Affairs Department
Abdurahim Ahmed
C. Corruption
Cabinet Minster
Parliament standing Committee
State Minsters
Others agencies/Commission
Federal ethics and Anti corruption commission

Advocacy for Ethiopia: The beginning of Transparency and Accountability



Advocacy for Ethiopia (AFE) finally broke the most disabling taboo in Ethiopian governance by instituting accountability on the substance of facts in public forum. AFE established a public forum where people can come and be accountable for their action or inaction.

In the hindsight, Ethio Transparency Watch believes Advocacy Ethiopia made history in Ethiopian governance by setting-up the foundation of transparency and the pillar of independent institution formations. Every well meaning Ethiopian should be grateful and appreciate the individuals who have the insight and the commitment to establish the stage for open public discourse.

There is no wonder the one and only vocal opponents of the forum were none other than the TPLF/EPRDF regime’s cadres and apologist. Transparency is the one and only thing tyranny fears the most, and the one and only thing that free the people of Ethiopia. The sorting-out of who-is-who against or for Ethiopians’ freedom rests on public forums like AFE organized.


AFE broke the secret code that held back Ethiopia as a nation and the people condemned to live under tyranny for centuries. More and frequent forums are badly needed to end the impunity of tyranny soon.

The lack of independent institutions and accountability solely because of tyrannical rulers refusal to allow free expression and assembly, thus the formation of independent institution is the reason for the absence of transparent governance, to persistent poverty and the lack of liberty.

AFE cracked the code, and must continue to lead by example by encouraging more public forums in all sectors (Famine, Human trafficking, Adaption, Corruption, Media, Education, Investment, Civic Society, Health, Environment, Security, and Economic Development to name the few. The organization must encourage advocacy group formation for action in all sectors to make the regime and all accountable.

Ethio-Transparent Governance Watch appreciates Advocacy For Ethiopia and shares its mission. If truth must be told, AFE action is historic; it would not be an exaggerating in our part to say it is the single most important act in the history of Ethiopian governance.

We urge Advocacy for Ethiopia to make one and all political, civic society, community leaders to be accountable for their action and inaction by inviting them in the future forums.